The Illusion of Russian Nationalism: Communist Continuity, the War on Faith, and the Strategic Occupation of Germany

Russia remains one of the leading promoters of globalism, atheism, and communism—ideologies that stand in direct opposition to true nationalism. Most Eastern Europeans still remember the pain of living under these systems. Many now recognize that communism was never dismantled—only rebranded as capitalism—yet both models leave nations subjugated, lacking the lawful sovereignty, moral order, and true representation that can only be found under a Christian theocratic monarchy.

The Illusion of Russian Nationalism: Communist Continuity, the War on Faith, and the Strategic Occupation of Germany

Introduction: Behind the Curtain of Modern Russia

Today’s Russian Federation projects the image of a conservative, nationalist bulwark against Western liberalism. Yet beneath this façade lies a carefully preserved ideological structure that shares far more with its Soviet predecessor than it admits. Through propaganda, religious control, selective memory laws, and targeted geopolitics, modern Russia has quietly continued the legacy of Communist centralism under a new name.

I. The 10 Planks of Communism: Still in Effect

Though the USSR officially collapsed in 1991, nearly all of the “10 Planks of the Communist Manifesto” remain functionally implemented in today’s Russia:

1. Abolition of property in land — Eminent domain and state land ownership remain widespread.
2. Heavy progressive income tax — Russia has flat income tax but enforces indirect forms of wealth seizure and oligarchic redistribution.
3. Abolition of inheritance rights — Inheritance is tightly controlled and property can be seized under vague state authority.
4. Confiscation of emigrant/rebel property — Political dissent is punished by economic and legal seizure.
5. Centralization of credit — The Russian central bank is a primary lever of state control.
6. Centralization of communication and transport — State holds dominant control of all national broadcast and major transportation infrastructure.
7. State-owned factories and production — Many industries remain under oligarchic-state partnerships.
8. Equal liability of all to labor — Mandatory work expectations and criminal punishment for dissent exist.
9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing — Top-down planning remains strong in agricultural sectors.
10. Free education — The state maintains ideological control of education, especially in historical narrative.

Rather than vanishing, communism has simply merged into a form of managed authoritarianism with Soviet aesthetics and new alliances.

II. Banning Evangelism: Criminalizing Christian Expression

In 2016, Vladimir Putin signed the so-called Yarovaya Law, which criminalized any religious evangelism outside registered church buildings. This included private homes, online communication, and street preaching. It was a chilling echo of Soviet-era religious restrictions, making it illegal to publicly share one’s faith unless it aligns with a state-approved body.

This law directly targets Protestants, independent Orthodox groups, and missionary movements while preserving the illusion of religious freedom through rigid state controls.

III. Promoting Other Religions While Regulating Christianity

In 2015, Putin inaugurated Europe’s largest mosque in Moscow — a symbolic act of embracing pluralistic image politics while simultaneously outlawing independent Christian evangelization. While this may appear to be interfaith tolerance, it is more accurately the fragmentation of religion to weaken Christianity’s unified influence.

Meanwhile, the state-sanctioned Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) promotes compliance with Kremlin interests and continues to honor past collaborators with Soviet power.

IV. The Catacomb Church and the Break from Sergianism

After the 1917 revolution, the Bolsheviks slaughtered an estimated 66 million Russians and destroyed over 30,000 places of worship. In 1927, Metropolitan Sergius Stragorodsky, under threat, declared the Russian Orthodox Church’s loyalty to the atheistic Soviet regime.

In response, true bishops and priests went underground. This formed the Catacomb Church, which rejected the Sergianist declaration as a betrayal of Christ.

By 1928, the Council of Syzran-Yeltz-Vyshny-Volochok (also called the Nomadic Synod), led by Bishop Mark Novoselov and supported by Danilovites, Josephites, Victorites, and others, condemned Sergianist and Renovationist churches as schismatics and bereft of sacramental grace.

To this day, the Catacomb faithful hold fast to this position, while the state church continues to celebrate those who enabled the Bolshevik persecution.

V. Historical Revisionism and Holocaust Memory Laws

In 2014, Russia banned Holocaust denial. While framed as an anti-hate measure, this law has been selectively enforced to silence critics of Soviet narratives. Historians questioning Soviet roles in the Holocaust or WWII atrocities have been harassed or prosecuted.

Notably, while Germany is repeatedly condemned, Poland has recently been blamed for alleged Holocaust collaboration — a geopolitical tactic to deflect attention and sow division among post-Soviet neighbors.

VI. LGBTQ Rights in Russia: Controlled Inclusion, Global Deception

Despite its reputation as a traditional society, Russia permits:

• Legal gender changes.
• LGBTQ service in the military.
• LGBTQ adoption rights.

While public displays may be curtailed, the core legal infrastructure protects LGBTQ identities — revealing another Soviet-style contradiction where policy and propaganda diverge to serve state goals.

The narrative of being anti-LGBTQ is largely smoke and mirrors, crafted for international right-wing sympathy.

VII. “Denazification” as a Cover for Expansionism

Russia’s use of the term “denazification” — particularly in reference to Ukraine — revives a Soviet rhetorical tool once used to justify post-WWII occupation.

In reality, the “Nazi” label today is used to attack conservative, nationalist, and Christian forces in Ukraine and elsewhere. Russia brands opponents “fascist” to frame any resistance to communist or globalist policy as morally invalid.

VIII. Germany’s Quiet Occupation: Post-WWII to Today

Though the Soviet Army officially withdrew from Germany in 1994, it never relinquished influence.

• Putin’s KGB years in East Germany (1985–1990) gave him strategic understanding of German networks.
• Through energy policy (e.g., Nord Stream), left-wing political parties (SPD, Die Linke), and soft propaganda, Russia continued to shape Germany’s direction.
• Germany’s cultural guilt has been weaponized to keep it politically pacified.

IX. The House of Brunswick: A Path to True German Sovereignty

Germany has lacked legitimate national sovereignty since 1918, when monarchs were overthrown by the Polish Red Army (lead by Russia) together with their proxies of socialist revolution. The House of Brunswick, as the lawful German dynasty with claims predating Prussia or Austria’s unifying projects, stands as the highest surviving historical authority for confederated German liberty.

(Note: This does not conflict with Austrian or Prussian traditions but can complement them in a broader national restoration.)

Brunswick’s de jure legitimacy includes:

• Continuation of legal protests against Prussian annexations post-1866.
• Operation through the Deutsche Partei / Guelphic Party until the 1960s.
• Emigration and treaty-protected estates and rights retained in America.

Restoring such legitimacy would:

• End Russia’s false historical claims of post-war moral authority.
• Stabilize Ukraine and Poland under pre-Soviet frameworks.
• Revive a decentralized, Christian-rooted model of German governance.

X. Internationalist Networks and Cultural Subversion

Communism’s internationalist ambitions were often advanced through minority intellectual networks that operated across national boundaries. In both Eastern Europe and America, atheistic Marxist ideologues—many of whom were of Jewish descent—were disproportionately represented in the early leadership of revolutionary movements, media, and academia. While not representative of Judaism as a faith, these networks acted as ideological vanguards, often attacking Christian, monarchist, and nationalist structures under the guise of liberation or progress.

This ideological subversion—first seen in Russia—took new form in American institutions throughout the 20th century, particularly during the post-WWII migration of Soviet-linked thinkers. This networked subversion still influences cultural narratives today, encouraging Western nationalists to sympathize with Russia, blind to the fact that it may exploit this misplaced trust to walk back into Europe not with tanks, but with open arms. The tragedy lies in how the very people who value tradition and sovereignty could, in ignorance, enable its erasure.

XI. Communist Penetration of the West: The American Front

The same ideological networks that rebranded communism inside Russia also extended their reach into the West—most critically, into the United States. Organizations like the John Birch Society exposed how covert operatives, think tanks, and “non-partisan” NGOs were actively coordinating with Moscow during the Cold War to undermine American sovereignty, morality, and Christianity.

While laws were passed making formal affiliation with communist entities a felony, including lifetime bans from public office, these networks re-emerged under guises of “social justice,” “equity,” and “international cooperation.” Today, we see professors, journalists, and elected officials openly sympathizing with China, Russia, Cuba, and other communist regimes—often under the banner of global peace or anti-fascism.

This growing boldness is not accidental. It reflects a fifth column at work—one that has not disappeared but has been integrated, normalized, and elevated within academia, media, and political spheres. Their allegiance is not to the American Constitution but to globalist, anti-Christian paradigms of control. Just as Europe may be softened for reoccupation by Russia, America too is being softened from within.

 XII. Conclusion: Russia’s Real War is Against Christian Sovereignty

The conflict in Ukraine is not about “denazification.” It is a broader campaign against conservative, Christian, and monarchist resurgence. Putin’s Russia — with its roots in Soviet ideology, masked by Orthodox imagery — seeks to maintain dominance over Europe by suppressing historical memory and silencing opposition.

The only viable counter is not more liberal globalism, but the revival of historical Christian governance — and, in Germany’s case, the reassertion of sovereign legitimacy through the House of Brunswick.

The West must awaken to the real threat: not only in Ukraine, but in Germany itself.